In Power Move at Uber, Travis Kalanick Appoints 2 to Board

Because of the proposal to reduce voting rights, it is “essential that the full board be in place for proper deliberation to occur,” Mr. Kalanick said in a statement.

In its own statement, Uber said Mr. Kalanick’s move “came as a complete surprise to Uber and its board.” That is why, it added, the company is “working to put in place world-class governance.”

The moves underscore the increasingly dysfunctional relationship between Uber and Mr. Kalanick, the company’s co-founder. Mr. Kalanick stepped down as chief executive after some of Uber’s investors said he could not remain. Since then, the former chief, who holds a seat on Uber’s board, has battled with other board members, including Benchmark, a venture capital firm that was an early investor in the company.

Benchmark had previously contended that Mr. Kalanick had too much power over Uber and had sued him in an attempt to reduce that control. That suit has been moved to arbitration, allowing Mr. Kalanick to keep his fight with Benchmark — and any potentially damaging disclosures — out of public view. Benchmark declined to comment on Friday.


Ursula Burns, a former chief executive of Xerox, is one of Mr. Kalanick’s new appointees to the Uber board of directors. Credit Scott Olson/Getty Images

The back-and-forth also presents a problem for Mr. Khosrowshahi, who has to deal with a deeply divided board. Mr. Khosrowshahi had already had a taste of Uber’s ups and downs in recent days, when the company was told that it would lose its operating license for London, one of the biggest cities where it does business.

The power plays on Uber’s board are centered on a move made by Mr. Kalanick last year that allowed him to obtain outsize control of several board seats. At the time, he got Benchmark to approve an amendment to the company’s charter that gave him the right to nominate three new directors to add to Uber’s eight-member board. Mr. Kalanick occupies one of those seats, and he has contended that he gets the right to fill the other two seats.

To prevent Mr. Kalanick from exercising that right, Uber and Goldman Sachs proposed on Thursday to reduce his voting rights. If approved, the proposal would also reduce voting power for other early Uber shareholders and board members, including Benchmark, Lowercase Capital and Menlo Ventures.


John Thain, a former chief executive of Merrill Lynch and the New York Stock Exchange, was also added to the board by Mr. Kalanick. Credit Rob Kim/Getty Images

Uber is also negotiating a sale of some of its existing shares to new investors, including the Japanese conglomerate SoftBank. Goldman Sachs is also one of the financial firms that is managing Uber’s potential share sale to SoftBank.

The fight over voting speaks to the balance of power at young Silicon Valley start-ups. In recent years, entrepreneurs have asked for — and been given — more voting rights by venture capitalists and other investors who are eager to get into a hot deal. Other companies, like Snap and Facebook, also have structures that allow their founders to hold disproportionate voting power.

These sorts of bare-knuckle fights usually unfold behind the scenes in venture capital, where investors and founders have incentives to maintain a positive public persona. Entrepreneurs start companies more than once, and have to tap the same pool of firms for money over time. And the firms need to be perceived as founder friendly in order to cozy up to the most promising deals.

Mr. Kalanick’s two new appointees are well known in the business world. As chief executive of Xerox, Ms. Burns was the first African-American woman to run a Fortune 500 company. Ms. Burns, 59, received a master’s degree in mechanical engineering from Columbia University and worked at Xerox her entire career, beginning as an intern in 1980 and becoming the head of the company in 2009.

Mr. Thain, 62, was one of Wall Street’s best-known figures until the financial crisis hit Wall Street in 2008. He became the head of the New York Stock Exchange in 2004, then the chief executive of Merrill Lynch in 2007. He sold the firm to Bank of America during the financial crisis and was later chief executive of CIT Group, a lender to small and midsize businesses, until he retired in 2015.

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T City Guides: T Fashion Editors’ Guide to Paris



French-Japanese Mashups

“By the time I get to Paris, and have been subsisting entirely on pasta and meat, a light meal at either favorite Japanese restaurant is a must: Takara for nigiri (this isn’t light, but the foie gras sushi is much better than it sounds; 14 Rue Molière) and Kunitoraya (5 Rue Villedo).” — JASON RIDER, senior fashion editor


Frenchie Wine Bar

“A great casual add-on to the restaurant Frenchie, which is a favorite, but always packed.” 5 Rue du Nil — ALEXA BRAZILIAN, fashion features director

Iced Coffee Pit Stops

“I’m that annoying American that asks for an iced coffee no matter where I am or what season it is. In Paris, the best are at Telescope (5 Rue Villedo), The Broken Arm (12 Rue Perrée) and Carette. (Theirs is practically a milkshake but still caffeinated!); 4 Place du Trocadéro.) — J.R.

Lone Palm

“In Paris, you mostly drink at bistros (my favorites are Le Progrès or La Perle) but Lone Palm is a really lovely tiki bar, with wonderfully kitschy interior, stronger-than-they-are-sweet drinks and handsome barmen.” 21 Rue Keller — J.R.

Vivant’s chef Pierre Touitou


“Speaking of handsome staff, the prize goes to Vivant, Pierre Touitou’s restaurant. Definitely get a seat at the bar for the best view. And Da Graziella next door is a Neapolitan-style pizzeria in an old bird shop from the 1920s and it’s so good. Great natural wines at both.” 43 Rue des Petites Écuries — J.R.

Pho Banh Cuon 14

“Because I can never get good Vietnamese in New York, I also rely on Paris for my quarterly pho. Banh Cuon 14 in the 13th has incredibly clear yet bold broth, served alongside the right herbs (a true anomaly).” 129 Avenue de Choisy — J.R.

Dinner in the Eighth Arrondissement

“Between the Grand Palais and my hotel (Le Bristol) lies Jean-George’s Market restaurant for an easy meal (15 Avenue Matignon), or there’s always La Reserve for something even more French (42 Avenue Gabriel).” — PATRICK LI, creative director

Cafe de l’Esplanade

“En route to the Rodin Museum, lunch at Cafe de l’Esplanade is a must for the best upper-crust people watching.” 52 Rue Fabert — P.L.

Bread & Roses

“Before shows in the Luxembourg gardens, I always have a quick meal at Bread & Roses.” 25 Rue Boissy dAnglas — P.L.

From left: Holiday Café; Shang Palace at the Shangri-La Hotel.

Near Trocadéro

“Slightly out of the way from most of the shows, but worth it for a delicious lunch, is Holiday Café (192 Avenue de Versailles). Otherwise, it’s dim sum at the Shangri-La before Miu Miu (10 Avenue dIéna). — P.L.

Ya Lamai

“Near République, you never know who you’ll run into at Rose Chalalai Singh’s casual Thai bistro.” (4 Rue Jean-Pierre Timbaud) — P.L.

Paul Bert flea market.CreditAlastair Miller/Bloomberg via Getty Images

Paul Bert Market

“Visiting the Paris flea markets is essential, because you never know when you might find that dream coffee table — especially when browsing the Paul Bert Market.” 110 Rue des Rosiers — P.L.

Chez George

“A mandatory stop for me, Chez George gives me everything I want from a Paris bistro in terms of ambience — it’s like a long skinny cable car — and classic dishes. The lentil salad is the best.” 1 Rue du Mail — A.B.

Lunch on the run

“For healthy, quick lunch or juice spots, I like Wild & The Moon (55 Rue Charlot), La Guinguette d’Angele (34 Rue Coquillière), Maisie Cafe (32 Rue du Mont Thabor) and Rose Bakery (46 Rue des Martyrs).” — MALINA JOSEPH GILCHRIST, style director, women’s

Le Petit Vendôme

“The best sandwiches in all of Paris are served here.” 8 Rue des Capucines — M.J.G.

Hôtel Ritz Paris

“The Ritz serves an amazing Japanese breakfast, which includes fish, tofu, steamed rice, miso soup and vegetables like marinated cucumbers, turnip and radish.” 15 Place Vendôme — M.J.G.


Maison Bonnet

“I always visit this eyewear resource when I’m in town.” 5 Rue des Petits Champs — P.L.

Comptoir de l’Image

“I also make sure to take time for some book shopping here.” 44 Rue de Sévigné — P.L.

Lindell & Co.

“A very special, tiny shop selling woolen pillows and throws embroidered in zebra and leopard prints by extremely talented artisans from Nepal. It’s run by a wonderful Frenchwoman named Gabrielle Soyer.” 19 rue Chapon — A.B.

Dries Van NotenCreditBenoit Teillet

Dries Van Noten

“Before all brand-name stores were carefully curated, there was this one, in Paris. It’s decorated like someone’s home, which make the clothes feel extra special.” 7 Quai Malaquais — A.B.

Vegetable pastes at Jacques Genin.CreditELIOT BLONDET/AFP/Getty Images

Jacques Genin

“Hands down the best chocolatier in Paris. There are two locations but I always make a stop at the shop on Rue de Turenne. The tiny chocolates are pristinely displayed like beautiful pieces of jewelry, while the nougats, caramels and sugared cubes of pure, concentrated fruit are equally sublime. At this point I have to make a stop here every fashion week — my gift list for family and friends keeps growing!” 133 Rue de Turenne — DAVID FARBER, style director, men’s

Marche aux Puces de Vanves

“Throughout the years, I have always made an effort to head out to the antique/flea market at Clignancourt, but I recently discovered the scaled-down charm of Puces de Vanves. After the madness of back-to-back shows, an early morning Sunday stroll through streets lined with vendors selling antique silverware, vintage books and small objets d’art is the perfect remedy.” 14 Avenue Georges Lafenestre — D.F.

Buttes-Chaumont Park.CreditAlex Créˆtey Systermans for the New York Times


Le Parc des Buttes-Chaumont

“This park is my favorite nearby getaway. It’s the perfect place to hide from fashion people, since it’s relatively far away, in the 19th.” 1 Rue Botzaris — J.R.

Le Bristol


Le Bristol

“One of the last genuine palace hotels in Paris that doesn’t feel too glossed over. If you’re on more of a budget, Hotel du Temps (11 Rue de Montholon) has everything you need, with lots of nice touches and rooms are surprisingly nice and big for Paris.” 112 Rue du Faubourg Saint-Honoré — A.B.

Related: the T Fashion Editors’ Guides to New York, London and Milan


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Internet Giants Face New Political Resistance in Washington

“There is much stronger agreement among me and my colleagues that there needs to be more aggressive enforcement action on tech companies like Google,” said Senator Richard Blumenthal, a Democrat from Connecticut and a sponsor of the sex trafficking bill.

The companies, recognizing the new environment in Washington, have started to fortify their lobbying forces and recalibrate their positions. In the last year, Amazon has added antitrust to its roster of issues, hiring a former senior Senate staff member who helped shape antitrust policies. Google has paid several outside lobbying firms to argue against the sex trafficking bill, according to recent federal filings.


Senator Rob Portman, Republican from Ohio. He and Mr. Blumenthal drafted a bill that would let state and local authorities prosecute websites that host content related to sex trafficking. Facebook and Google strongly oppose the bill. Credit Jonathan Ernst/Reuters

“We are disruptive, and that creates a lot of tension, concern, worry and jealousy and sometimes rightfully identifies real problems that need solutions,” said Ed Black, president of the Computer and Communications Industry Association, which represents Facebook, Google, Amazon and other tech companies.

Tech companies have faced political pressure in Europe for years. That is expected to continue, with regulators prepared to push a new set of proposals to get the tech companies to pay more in taxes.

The politics for the companies in the United States began to change after the 2016 presidential election, when attention turned to the role social media sites play in shaping public opinion. The scrutiny grew after companies struggled to eliminate fake content from their sites, raising fears that the platforms were too big to manage.

After Facebook revealed to Congress that it had accepted money for political ads from fake accounts linked to Russia, Senator Mark Warner, a Democrat from Virginia, started calling for new disclosure laws for the companies. He plans to begin writing a bill this week that requires Facebook and other social media companies to release funding sources for political ads, as is required for television broadcasters.

“This is uncharted territory,” Mr. Warner said in an interview. “The growth in political advertising is in the digital world, and if this is the most targeted and potentially most effective way into politics, the paid advertising rules that broadcasters rely upon should also apply in the social media world.”

Perhaps no issue in Washington has exposed the vulnerability of the tech companies as much as the sex trafficking bill. At the heart of the debate for the tech companies is a change to a 20-year-old law that prevents people from suing internet companies for things people post on websites. The companies, supported by some civil liberties groups, say the existing law has protected free speech and allowed internet companies to grow without fear of lawsuits.

The bill being debated, written by Senator Rob Portman, a Republican from Ohio, and Mr. Blumenthal, would allow state and local authorities to prosecute sites that host content related to sex trafficking. Their bill, which has bipartisan support from dozens of members in the Senate, would also enable people to sue websites.


How Facebook Is Changing Your Internet

Behind the scenes, Facebook is involved in high-stakes diplomatic battles across the globe that have begun fragmenting the internet itself.

By JONAH M. KESSEL and PAUL MOZUR on Publish Date September 17, 2017. Photo by Albert Gea/Reuters. Watch in Times Video »

Companies like Google and Facebook vehemently opposed the law when it was introduced, warning that it would expose web companies to numerous lawsuits because the actions of users are hard to police. The bill had provisions that would shield companies like Google and Facebook that have policies to combat sex trafficking, but the companies pushed back nonetheless.

Starting about two weeks ago, as politicians stepped up their attacks against their businesses, Facebook and Google realized that the political landscape had changed, according to two people with knowledge of the decisions who spoke on the condition of anonymity because the internal corporate decisions were private. So instead, the companies began trying to negotiate changes to the bill with Mr. Portman and other senators instead of trying to stop it entirely.

As of Tuesday, Facebook and Google were still trying to negotiate changes with Senate staff members. One effort, by Google, would block state attorneys general from prosecuting web platforms for hosting any third-party sites that aided sex trafficking. Google said the Justice Department should be the sole agency in charge of enforcing sex trafficking laws.

Mr. Portman has viewed enforcement by state attorneys general as the centerpiece of the legislation. He will not agree to weakening the enforcement role of local and state prosecutors, according to his spokesman, Kevin Smith.

“We’ll continue to engage members of Congress, anti-trafficking organizations and the industry to try and get to a resolution that addresses the problem without creating unintended side effects,” Susan Molinari, Google’s vice president of public policy, said in a statement.

Facebook appeared more eager to reach a deal with lawmakers, according to two Senate staff members and a tech industry official, who all said the company had expressed a willingness to allow state law enforcement. They spoke on the condition of anonymity because Facebook’s discussions with the lawmakers were private.

“We strongly believe that there is a legislative solution that can address this terrible problem while ensuring that the internet remains open and free and that responsible companies can continue to work to stop sex trafficking before it happens,” Erin Egan, a vice president of public policy at Facebook, said in a statement.

Senators have not held back their continued frustration with the tech industry, even as the position of the companies has changed somewhat. On Tuesday, the Senate commerce committee held an emotional hearing on bill, called the Stop Enabling Sex Traffickers Act, that included the mother of a teenage victim of trafficking.

The Senate invited Facebook and Google to testify but they declined, according to a member of the committee staff, instead sending their trade group, the Internet Association, to represent them.

“Silicon Valley holds itself out as being more than just an industry but a movement to make the world a better place,” Mr. Portman said in the hearing. “But selling human beings online is the dark side of the internet.”

Other issues related to tech companies have gained less traction. The earliest criticism of big tech companies came from left-leaning politicians and economists, whose ideas were largely dismissed by Washington lawyers and regulators as fringe ideas. But there are signs that the companies are starting to take them more seriously now as well.

The New America Foundation, a left-leaning research group in Washington that is financed by Google and Eric Schmidt, the chairman of its parent company, recently fired a division of antitrust scholars who had been critical of the company. Google has denied playing a role in the split. In California, big tech companies joined internet service providers like AT&T and Comcast — their adversaries on many policy issues — to fight a state broadband privacy law, fearing that it could embolden other states and federal regulators to write broader internet privacy rules.

Even Amazon’s recent move to buy Whole Foods Market for $13.4 billion generated political attention. Amazon and Whole Foods have a small portion of the overall grocery market, an important measure in antitrust decisions, and the deal quickly passed an antitrust review by the Federal Trade Commission.

But some lawmakers raised questions about Amazon’s deep pockets and its ability to undercut the prices of smaller competitors.

Senator Amy Klobuchar, a Democrat from Minnesota, pressed F.T.C. officials to justify their decision, arguing that the agency should have looked at longer-term competition factors. She has also introduced a bill that would force companies to prove that their deals would not be anticompetitive in the future.

We need to start adjusting to a world where we are right now,” said Ms. Klobuchar. “Antitrust laws haven’t been updated since the 1950s. In the 1950s, they didn’t envision a major search engine dominating the internet. They didn’t even have the internet.”

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Afghanistan: America’s longest war

The combat mission in Afghanistan, code-named Operation Enduring Freedom, lasted for 13 years until being brought to an end in December 2014. Thousands of American troops remain in the country. CNN Films’ «Legion of Brothers,» about the early days of America’s secret war in Afghanistan, airs Sunday, September 24 at 9 p.m. ET.

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Try These ‘Love Hacks’ to Fix Your Marriage

He offers a variety of love hacks because he doesn’t believe in one-size-fits-all solutions for relationships. He suggests picking whichever hack appeals and starting right away.

Touch Your Partner

Holding hands can win you points even when you don’t mean it, as demonstrated in an experiment with couples who watched a video together. Some people were instructed not to touch their partners during the video, while others were told to touch in a “warm, comfortable and positive way.”

Afterward, the people who had been touched reported being more confident of being loved by their partner — and this effect occurred even when the people knew that their partners’ actions were being directed by the researchers. Their rational selves knew that the hand-holding wasn’t a spontaneous gesture of affection, but it made them feel better anyway.

Don’t Jump to Bad Conclusions

If your partner does something wrong, like not returning a phone call, don’t over-interpret it. Researchers have found that one of the biggest differences between happy and unhappy couples is their “attributional style” in explaining a partner’s offense.

The unhappy couples tend to automatically attribute something like an unreturned phone call to a permanent inner flaw in the partner (“He’s too selfish to care about me”) rather than a temporary external situation, like an unusually busy day at work. When something goes wrong, before drawing any conclusions about your partner, take a few seconds to consider an alternative explanation that puts the blame elsewhere.

Picture a Fight From the Outside

In an experiment with 120 married couples in Chicago, Dr. Finkel periodically asked questions about their marriages over the course of two years. During the first year, their satisfaction with their marriages declined, which unfortunately is typical.

At the start of the second year, some of the couples were instructed to try something new when they found themselves in an argument: “Think about this disagreement with your partner from the perspective of a neutral third party who wants the best for all involved; a person who see things from a neutral point of view. How might this person think about the disagreement? How might he or she find the good that could come from it?”

Again, that little exercise made a big difference. Over the next year, marital satisfaction remained stable in those couples, whereas it continued to decline in the control group that hadn’t been instructed to take the third-party perspective.

Make a Gratitude List

Once a week, write down a few things your partner has done to “invest in the relationship,” as the participants in one experiment were instructed to do. Other participants were instructed to list things they had done themselves to invest in the relationship. The ones who patted themselves on the back subsequently felt a little more committed to the relationship, but the ones who wrote about their partners’ contributions felt significantly more committed — and also, not surprisingly, a lot more grateful toward their partners.

Accept a Compliment

One of the most common factors in failed marriages is the “rejection sensitivity” of one partner. People with low self-esteem have a hard time believing their partner really loves them, so they often preemptively discount their partner’s affection in order to avoid being hurt by the expected rejection. Eventually, even when they start off with a loving partner, their worst fear comes true because their defensive behavior ends up driving the other person away.

In testing ways to counteract this anxiety, researchers asked insecure people to recall a specific compliment from their partner. Giving a detailed account of the situation and the compliment didn’t have any effect, apparently because these insecure people could dismiss it as a lucky aberration: “For once I did something right.”

But there was a notable effect when people were asked to think about the compliment abstractly: “Explain why your partner admired you. Describe what it meant to you and its significance for your relationship.” That quick exercise helped them see why their partner could really care for them.

Celebrate Small Victories

When your partner tells you about something that went right in his or her day, get excited about it. Ask questions so your partner can tell you more about the event and relive it. Put some enthusiasm into your voice and your reactions. Researchers call this a “capitalization attempt.”

When researchers studied couples who were trained to use these techniques in their evening discussions, it turned out that each partner took more pleasure from their own victories, and both partners ended up feeling closer to each other. By sharing the joy, everyone came out ahead — and in true love-hack fashion, it didn’t take much time at all.

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Facebook Faces a New World as Officials Rein In a Wild Web

For all the courtship, things never quite worked out.

“There’s an interest on both sides of the dance, so some kind of product can be introduced,” said Kai-Fu Lee, the former head of Google in China who now runs a venture-capital firm in Beijing. “But what Facebook wants is impossible, and what they can have may not be very meaningful.”

This spring, Facebook tried a different tactic: testing the waters in China without telling anyone. The company authorized the release of a photo-sharing app there that does not bear its name, and experimented by linking it to a Chinese social network called WeChat.

One factor driving Mr. Zuckerberg may be the brisk ad business that Facebook does from its Hong Kong offices, where the company helps Chinese companies — and the government’s own propaganda organs — spread their messages. In fact, the scale of the Chinese government’s use of Facebook to communicate abroad offers a notable sign of Beijing’s understanding of Facebook’s power to mold public opinion.

Chinese state media outlets have used ad buys to spread propaganda around key diplomatic events. Its stodgy state-run television station and the party mouthpiece newspaper each have far more Facebook “likes” than popular Western news brands like CNN and Fox News, a likely indication of big ad buys.

To attract more ad spending, Facebook set up one page to show China’s state broadcaster, CCTV, how to promote on the platform, according to a person familiar with the matter. Dedicated to Mr. Xi’s international trips, the page is still regularly updated by CCTV, and has 2.7 million likes. During the 2015 trip when Mr. Xi met Mr. Zuckerberg, CCTV used the channel to spread positive stories. One post was titled “Xi’s UN address wins warm applause.”


At a White House dinner in 2015, Mr. Zuckerberg asked the Chinese president, Xi Jinping, whether Mr. Xi might offer a Chinese name for his soon-to-be-born first child — usually a privilege reserved for older relatives, or sometimes a fortune teller. Credit Charles Ommanney/Facebook, via Associated Press

Fittingly, Mr. Zuckerberg’s eagerness and China’s reluctance can be tracked on Facebook.

During Mr. Xi’s 2015 trip to America, Mr. Zuckerberg posted about how the visit offered him his first chance to speak a foreign language with a world leader. The post got more than a half million likes, including from Chinese state media (despite the national ban). But on Mr. Xi’s propaganda page, Mr. Zuckerberg got only one mention — in a list of the many tech executives who met the Chinese president.

Europe’s Privacy Pushback

Last summer, emails winged back and forth between members of Facebook’s global policy team. They were finalizing plans, more than two years in the making, for WhatsApp, the messaging app Facebook had bought in 2014, to start sharing data on its one billion users with its new parent company. The company planned to use the data to tailor ads on Facebook’s other services and to stop spam on WhatsApp.

A big issue: how to win over wary regulators around the world.

Despite all that planning, Facebook was hit by a major backlash. A month after the new data-sharing deal started in August 2016, German privacy officials ordered WhatsApp to stop passing data on its 36 million local users to Facebook, claiming people did not have enough say over how it would be used. The British privacy watchdog soon followed.

By late October, all 28 of Europe’s national data-protection authorities jointly called on Facebook to stop the practice. Facebook quietly mothballed its plans in Europe. It has continued to collect people’s information elsewhere, including the United States.

“There’s a growing awareness that people’s data is controlled by large American actors,” said Isabelle Falque-Pierrotin, France’s privacy regulator. “These actors now know that times have changed.”

Facebook’s retreat shows how Europe is effectively employing regulations — including tough privacy rules — to control how parts of the internet are run.


Facebook’s international headquarters in Dublin. The company has faced regulatory pushback in Europe. Credit Aidan Crawley/Bloomberg

The goal of European regulators, officials said, is to give users greater control over the data from social media posts, online searches and purchases that Facebook and other tech giants rely on to monitor our online habits.

As a tech company whose ad business requires harvesting digital information, Facebook has often underestimated the deep emotions that European officials and citizens have tied into the collection of such details. That dates back to the time of the Cold War, when many Europeans were routinely monitored by secret police.

Now, regulators from Colombia to Japan are often mimicking Europe’s stance on digital privacy. “It’s only natural European regulators would be at the forefront,” said Brad Smith, Microsoft’s president and chief legal officer. “It reflects the importance they’ve attached to the privacy agenda.”

In interviews, Facebook denied it has played fast and loose with users’ online information and said it complies with national rules wherever it operates. It questioned whether Europe’s position has been effective in protecting individuals’ privacy at a time when the region continues to fall behind the United States and China in all things digital.

Still, the company said it respected Europe’s stance on data protection, particularly in Germany, where many citizens have long memories of government surveillance.

“There’s no doubt the German government is a strong voice inside the European community,” said Richard Allan, Facebook’s head of public policy in Europe. “We find their directness pretty helpful.”

Europe has the law on its side when dictating global privacy. Facebook’s non-North American users, roughly 1.8 billion people, are primarily overseen by Ireland’s privacy regulator because the company’s international headquarters is in Dublin, mostly for tax reasons. In 2012, Facebook was forced to alter its global privacy settings — including those in the United States — after Ireland’s data protection watchdog found problems while auditing the company’s operations there.

Three years later, Europe’s highest court also threw out a 15-year-old data-sharing agreement between the region and the United States following a complaint that Facebook had not sufficiently protected Europeans’ data when it was transferred across the Atlantic. The company denies any wrongdoing.


A Facebook event in Berlin last year. Europe, where Cold War-era suspicions over monitoring still linger, is exporting its views of privacy to other parts of the world. Credit Tobias Schwarz/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

And on Sept. 12, Spain’s privacy agency fined the company 1.2 million euros for not giving people sufficient control over their data when Facebook collected it from third-party websites. Watchdogs in Germany, the Netherlands and elsewhere are conducting similar investigations. Facebook is appealing the Spanish ruling.

“Facebook simply can’t stick to a one-size-fits-all product around the world,” said Max Schrems, an Austrian lawyer who has been a Facebook critic after filing the case that eventually overturned the 15-year-old data deal.

Potentially more worrying for Facebook is how Europe’s view of privacy is being exported. Countries from Brazil to Malaysia, which are crucial to Facebook’s growth, have incorporated many of Europe’s tough privacy rules into their legislation.

“We regard the European directives as best practice,” said Pansy Tlakula, chairwoman of South Africa’s Information Regulator, the country’s data protection agency. South Africa has gone so far as to copy whole sections, almost word-for-word, from Europe’s rule book.

The Play for Kenya

Blocked in China and troubled by regulators in Europe, Facebook is trying to become “the internet” in Africa. Helping get people online, subsidizing access, and trying to launch satellites to beam the internet down to the markets it covets, Facebook has become a dominant force on a continent rapidly getting online.

But that has given it a power that has made some in Africa uncomfortable.

Some countries have blocked access, and outsiders have complained Facebook could squelch rival online business initiatives. Its competition with other internet companies from the United States and China has drawn comparisons to a bygone era of colonialism.

For Kenyans like Phyl Cherop, 33, an entrepreneur in Nairobi, online life is already dominated by the social network. She abandoned her bricks-and-mortar store in a middle-class part of the city in 2015 to sell on Facebook and WhatsApp.


Phyl Cherop, who lives in Kenya, closed her bricks-and-mortar store to sell items through Facebook. Credit Adriane Ohanesian for The New York Times

“I gave it up because people just didn’t come anymore,” said Ms. Cherop, who sells items like designer dresses and school textbooks. She added that a stand-alone website would not have the same reach. “I prefer using Facebook because that’s where my customers are. The first thing people want to do when they buy a smartphone is to open a Facebook account.”

As Facebook hunts for more users, the company’s aspirations have shifted to emerging economies where people like Ms. Cherop live. Less than 50 percent of Africa’s population has internet connectivity, and regulation is often rudimentary.

Since Facebook entered Africa about a decade ago, it has become the region’s dominant tech platform. Some 170 million people — more than two thirds of all internet users from South Africa to Senegal — use it, according Facebook’s statistics. That is up 40 percent since 2015.

The company has struck partnerships with local carriers to offer basic internet services — centered on those offered by Facebook — for free. It has built a pared-down version of its social network to run on the cheaper, less powerful phones that are prevalent there.

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Cassini Vanishes Into Saturn, Its Mission Celebrated and Mourned

Never again would Cassini send home the images and data that inspired discoveries and wonder during the probe’s 13 years in orbit around the ringed planet.

“For me, there’s a core of sadness, in part in thinking of the breakup of the Cassini family,” said Linda Spilker, Cassini project scientist. “But it’s both an end and a beginning as these people go off and work on other things.”

The mission for Cassini, in orbit since 2004, stretched far beyond the original four-year plan, sending back multitudes of striking photographs, solving some mysteries and upending prevailing notions about the solar system with completely unexpected discoveries.

“Cassini is really one of those quintessential missions from NASA,” said Thomas H. Zurbuchen, NASA’s associate administrator for science. “It hasn’t just changed what we know about Saturn, but how we think about the world.”

Multimedia Feature

NASA’s Cassini spacecraft burned up in Saturn’s atmosphere on Friday, after 20 years in space.

OPEN Multimedia Feature

Its end closes the chapter on the exploration of Saturn for probably a decade or longer. Still, there is much left for scientists to study and decipher.

Cassini’s hazy origin story

Cassini had its origins in the brainstorm of two scientists, Daniel Gautier of the Paris Observatory and Wing-Huen Ip, then at the Max Planck Institute for Aeronomy in Germany.

NASA’s two Voyager spacecraft flew through the Saturn system in 1980 and 1981. Voyager 1, in particular, provided a close-up look at Titan that was enthralling and maddening. Larger than the planet Mercury, Titan was enshrouded in haze. The atmosphere was thicker than Earth’s and contained methane and other carbon-based molecules. What lay below, no one knew.

“Those discoveries led to many more questions,” Dr. Ip recalled.

In 1982, Dr. Gautier and Dr. Ip proposed to the European Space Agency that it collaborate with NASA on a Saturn mission: an orbiter paired with a probe that would parachute onto Titan.


Cassini Burns Into Saturn

NASA’s Cassini spacecraft will plunge into Saturn on September 15, incinerating itself after 20 years in space.

By DENNIS OVERBYE, JONATHAN CORUM and JASON DRAKEFORD on Publish Date September 8, 2017. . Watch in Times Video »

The orbiter became Cassini, built and operated by NASA; the Titan probe was named Huygens, a project of the European Space Agency. The Europeans approved Huygens in 1988. A year later, NASA gave the go-ahead for Cassini. The craft were named for a Dutch astronomer, Christiaan Huygens, who discovered Titan and figured out Saturn had rings, and Giovanni Domenico Cassini, a French-Italian astronomer, who discovered four other major moons of Saturn, each in the 17th century.

To take advantage of the gravitational boost from a flyby of Jupiter to accelerate Cassini-Huygens, the spacecraft was launched on Oct. 15, 1997.

Discovering an Earthlike alien moon

Seven years later, Cassini swung into orbit around Saturn. A few months later, Huygens headed to its rendezvous with Titan, the first attempt to touchdown on a moon other than our own.

The lander was equipped with instruments to identify molecules in the air, measure the winds and haze, and take pictures on the way down.

Because the spacecraft designers did not know what the surface was made of, they had designed Huygens to handle several possibilities, including floating for a few minutes if it had turned out that Titan’s surface was a global ocean of methane.


Saturn’s rings captured by Cassini on Wednesday. Credit NASA/JPL-Caltech/Space Science Institute

Instead, Huygens bumped onto solid ground, surrounded by a complex network of small rivers. “If you would jump from your table or your desk, you would land on the floor at this speed,” said Jean-Pierre Lebreton, the project scientist for Huygens. “A very reasonable landing speed.”

Photographs at the surface showed what looked like rounded cobblestones that turned out to be blocks of water ice.

The data from Huygens, together with that gathered by Cassini in repeated flybys, revealed Titan as a world shaped by active geological processes with rivers, lakes and rain. But in the frigid temperatures there, about minus 290 degrees Fahrenheit, the fluid is not water, but methane. “Titan has really revealed an Earthlike world,” Dr. Lebreton said.

A journey toward disintegration

NASA spacecraft, if they survive to their destination, often just keep going.

Cassini stayed seven more years to watch changes in Saturn through the passing of seasons. It takes Saturn 29.5 years to orbit the sun, so Cassini has been there for almost half a Saturn year.

A sequence of the last pictures taken by the Cassini spacecraft showing the moon Enceladus setting behind Saturn on Wednesday. NASA/JPL-Caltech/Space Science Institute

One of the mission’s most surprising discoveries was an ocean of water beneath the icy exterior of Enceladus that may be heated by hydrothermal vents similar to those at the bottom of oceans on Earth. The water on this moon and the carbon compounds it contains are some of the key ingredients needed for life that scientists would have thought unlikely on a moon just 313 miles wide.

Even at the end, 20 years after launch, Cassini and its instruments remained in good working shape. The plutonium power source was still generating electricity. But there was not enough propellant fuel left to safely send Cassini anywhere except into Saturn.

Any spacecraft, even one launched two decades ago, has unwanted microbial hitchhikers aboard. In particular, planetary scientists wanted to ensure that there was zero chance of the spacecraft crashing into and contaminating Enceladus or Titan, which could also be hospitable for life. And NASA wants to leave the Saturn system pristine.

In the very last phase of the mission, Cassini dove through the gap between Saturn and the planet’s innermost ring. That provided new, sharp views of the rings and allowed the craft to probe the planet’s interior, as another NASA spacecraft, Juno, is doing at Jupiter.

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Out There: Cassini Flies Toward a Fiery Death on Saturn

But nothing lasts forever. The scientists could have left Cassini for dead when its time came, a derelict in space. But that would have risked contamination on Saturn’s pristine and now very interesting moons, should the spacecraft hit them. So it had to go, and anyway there was still more to be learned by crashing it into Saturn.

Cassini’s fate was sealed last April. Using Titan’s gravitational pull, Cassini changed course oh so slightly onto a trajectory that would take it on the first of 22 passes inside Saturn’s rings, where no spacecraft has ever gone.

On September 11, Cassini will get one more “goodbye kiss” from Titan, a last fatal gravitational nudge directing the spacecraft into Saturn itself.

The cameras will turn off on the 14th, after one final look around the environs Cassini has called home for the last 13 years. But most of the spacecraft’s instruments will keep working, gathering and analyzing samples of the planet’s atmosphere as the spacecraft blazes into the clouds, which should tell us something about how the giant planet formed and evolved. Have the rings always been there, or are they a more (cosmically) recent addition?


A wave structure in Saturn’s rings, known as the Janus 2:1 spiral density wave. Credit NASA/JPL, via Space Science Institute

Scientists and the press, in all its social media glory, will assemble at the Jet Propulsion Laboratory to witness the demise of Cassini, estimated to happen on September 15 at about 7:54 a.m. Eastern Daylight Time. Last week Cassini sent back what Carolyn Porco, of the Space Science Institute in Boulder, Colo., and imaging team leader on the project, called “one of our last best looks at Enceladus…that small moon at Saturn with the big possibilities.”

“Brace yourselves,” she added in an email. “The end is near.”

The news for all those gathered will arrive as a sudden silence. Cassini will break up and burn like a meteor into a wisp of stray atoms lost in the clouds. Dr. Porco said that the entry point would be visible from Earth and that some amateur astronomers were hoping to see some sign of Cassini’s entry.

But the odds are against them. And so Cassini will wave goodbye with a flash of unearthly light that no humans, at least, may ever see.

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The Times Review of the First iPhone: ‘Amazing’ but ‘Not Perfect’

For many, the iPhone wasn’t just a device, it was an experience. The Times’s Farhad Manjoo recently wrote about his introduction to the product.

It wasn’t the first smartphone, the first mobile computer, or the first anything, really.

But when I got my hands on the first iPhone in 2007, I knew it was unlike any machine I’d ever used before, and it would forever alter my tech-addled life. It turns out it probably altered yours, too.

In the early days, it was the simple things that were magical.

The internet in your pocket. Connectivity at all times — news, baseball scores, recipes. (How innocent we were.)

“Maybe all the iPhone hype isn’t hype at all,” Mr. Pogue mused in 2007. Even so, he continued, “some of the criticisms are justified.”

“There’s no memory-card slot, no chat program, no voice dialing,” he wrote. «The browser can’t handle Java or Flash, which deprives you of millions of Web videos.”

Other inconveniences: no video, no way to send “picture messages (called MMS) to other cellphones” and no third-party apps. (The App Store wasn’t born until 2008.)

Then there were typing woes. “Tapping the skinny little virtual keys on the screen is frustrating, especially at first,” Mr. Pogue wrote.

And what remains a constant bane for users: battery life.

“Apple says that the battery starts to lose capacity after 300 or 400 charges,” Mr. Pogue wrote. “Eventually, you’ll have to send the phone to Apple for battery replacement, much as you do now with an iPod, for a fee.”

No replaceable batteries? Times reporter Joe Nocera said at the time that this revelation “stopped me in my tracks.” He asked Apple how it planned to service its batteries, but he didn’t get a straightforward answer.

“It is about assured obsolescence,” Rob Enderle of the Enderle Group, a technology consulting firm, told Mr. Nocera in 2007.

As much as things have changed, some things really do stay the same.

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Who Owns a Monkey Selfie? Settlement Should Leave Him Smiling

Mr. Slater could not be reached for comment, and his lawyer declined to comment. Jeff Kerr, the general counsel for PETA, said the group was pleased that Naruto would benefit from the images.

“The dire need of Naruto is what fully underpins why we pursued this lawsuit to begin with,” Mr. Kerr said in an interview. “We wanted every bit of all of the proceeds to benefit Naruto.”

It is not clear how much money will be directed to charitable organizations from sales of the image. Mr. Kerr said he did not know how much money Mr. Slater had made on past sales.

Mr. Slater, a freelance photographer, told The Guardian in July that he could not afford to fly to California from England for an appeals court hearing and was considering other sources of income. “I’m even thinking about doing dog walking,” he told the publication.

Naruto snapped the image during a 2011 trip by Mr. Slater to the nature reserve on Sulawesi, one of the few habitats for crested macaques, black monkeys with sloping faces and short tails. He mounted the camera on a tripod and set it to autofocus when Naruto approached, looked into the lens and pressed the button.

Mr. Slater published the photographs in his book, “Wildlife Personalities,” and fought with groups, including the Wikimedia Foundation, that used the image without permission. But the Wikimedia Foundation refused and said the photograph was in the public domain.

Copyright law in the United States grants ownership rights for images to the person who took it. PETA had argued that because Naruto was the rightful owner because he physically pressed the shutter button to create the image. But Judge William H. Orrick of the United States District Court in San Francisco disagreed and ruled in January 2016 that animals were not included in copyright law.

Mr. Kerr said that Naruto still lives in the Tangkoko Reserve, where he is fed daily by park workers and is a popular attraction. But crested macaques there are under constant threat by poachers, and the mammals are considered critically endangered.

Correction: September 12, 2017
An earlier version of this article mischaracterized the reason given by the Wikimedia Foundation for declining to remove an image of the monkey Naruto from its site. The company said that the photograph was in the public domain, not that Naruto owned it.

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